Sociology Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Sociology - Assignment Example Danish society has basically laid down the right foundation in caring for the elderly by imposing that the spouse is most responsible for the care of the aging partner. This is even supported by legislation and decreed that only the elder child within the household can assist the aging parent. By doing so, society is transformed in its view of the family – that is a permanent institution and members are obliged to fulfill such roles. Young people wanting to get married would think if they can really perform the roles their spouse need from them until old age. As for the Danish home care policy, it is a good working model of a society that has planned for its elderly citizens. In comparison with the United States, it cannot conceive and implement such policies since the healthcare system alone is in a mess. The Danish policy has long been planned and executed by the government which is a reflection of their priorities – healthcare. Since America is extremely preoccupied with external issues , it cannot sort out its own affairs and render good service to its citizens. The chapter about Muslim Iranians is also an interesting read since it presents how a minor culture ( Iranian )tries to assimilate to a more dominant one ( American). Growing old in another country like the case of Iranian seniors in California is quite stressful since psychological adjustment has to be made in order to fit in the host society. As mentioned in the text, â€Å"depression, loneliness, loss of sense of community â€Å"(p.304) affect the elderly. It is for this reason then that while still young, people begin to build their social networks. Nevertheless, the case of Babi is quite different as she had successfully assimilated in the American culture and had even found a new love. It is not luck that made her enjoy her golden years but her attitude to overcome the transcending scripts of culture that women should be just at home. However, it cannot be denied that

Education of Philosophies Essay Example for Free

Education of Philosophies Essay After reading through the different philosophies of education, I have come to the conclusion that I can relate to the student centered philosophy the most for several different reasons. As stated in the chapter, education is not a competition. I don’t agree with having students take multiple choice tests to see who gets the highest amount of right answers. Many students suffer from test anxiety and giving them one chance to prove they are educated on the subject isn’t fair. I am a firm believer that students don’t gain knowledge from textbooks, they gain knowledge by being out in the real world. To me, experiencing things first hand is the strongest way to learn about a subject matter. This leads me to the progressivism philosophy of education. I am all for experimental learning, having students have the chance to learn by doing. Another method of this is called the scientific method. This happens by expecting students to pursue their answers through problem solving and critical thinking, and are rarely expected to find their answers in a textbook. Another method I agree with is social reconstruction. Democracy in a classroom encourages teachers to guide an important dialogue among the children, but to avoid telling students how to think or what to believe. Social purpose gives students an opportunity to instill habits or values that are useful to the greater community. I believe students should be encouraged to think about local, national, and international issues in the real world. More importantly, I believe existentialism is the most crucial student centered philosophy in education. Giving students the ability to develop their own creativity and different ways of self-expression is something that should be focused on in every school. Students should be allowed freedom to go at their own pace and should be inspired by the things shared among peers  in the classroom. Students are expected to be in control of their own lives at school while playing an active role in functioning community, students should leave the school with the important ability to think critically.

artful dublin Essay -- essays research papers

Someone has crafted a dense, human-size spider web in a 17th-century baroque chapel. At the center of the swarming thread, a longhaired woman lies in a hospital bed, sheet to her chin. Silence, light filtering from stained glass, and her stillness trapped in the maze reminds the viewer of some old dada wisdom -- any work of art that can be completely understood is the product of a journalist. Down the hall, in a large room, a young German is rushing around in a white jumpsuit. He alternately plays with toy airplanes and bakes cakes in a microwave, which every hour on the hour he blows up. These exhilarating works of art from Chiharu Shiotta and Frank Werner were at the Irish Museum of Modern Art in Dublin recently, part of a show called "Marking the Territory." The images were compelling enough, but the real strangeness was that they were happening in Dublin at all. For centuries, the visual arts in Ireland ran a distant second due to the superiority of the Word. But no longer. "This is an ideal place for an artist to be," Paolo Canevari said. The young Roman was represented at IMMA by "Differences," seven people on a bench on whose foreheads he methodically rubber-stamped religious denominations. "The Irish aren't jaded. There's no boredom with art." Even Dublin's stinging humor, a style that is distinguished by an urchin's allergy to the sentimental and a duty to bring everything down to street level, has softened toward the public art of the city. The statue of the River Liffey, personified as a woman in a fountain, is still known as "The Floozy in the Jacuzzi," and a realistic sculpture of two middle-age women taking a rest from shopping will forever be "The Hags With the Bags." And what else could a giant metal spike proposed for the north side be called but "The Stiletto in the Ghetto?" These days, however, all street titles are said with affection and pride. Every nation prizes creativity. But countries such as Ireland, which for so long had little but creativity, revere it. It is now museums, galleries and artistic work that are embraced, and not just the theater, pub wit and the writer. One of the engines of Dublin's artistic boom is IMMA, only 10 years old yet housed in one of the most magnificent 17th-century buildings in the world, the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham. Formerl... ...ight to $1,725 for the penthouse suite. Full service, excellent restaurant and a great bar for people watching. The Pembroke Townhouse (90 Pembroke Rd., telephone 011-353-1-660-0277,www.pembroketownhouse.ie) is a marvelous, immaculate Georgian house in Ballsbridge, close to everything on the south side, with a cheerful and efficient staff. Rates run from about $90 to $120 per night. WHERE TO EAT: Restaurant Patrick Guilbaud (21 Upper Merrion St.) has spectacular art on display along with the best French cuisine in Dublin. Appetizers run from $14 to $30, entrees from $35. Trocadero (3 St. Andrew's St.) -- "the Troc," near Temple Bar -- is a great old-time theater restaurant, with late suppers and superior bar food until midnight. It's recently been refurbished and crisped up, but they left the sense of fun intact. Two can have a memorable Italian meal and a bottle of red for about $60. INFORMATION: For more information, contact the Irish Tourist Board, 800-223-6470, www.ireland.travel.ie; or, in Dublin, the Bord Failte (Gaelic for "board of welcome"), Baggot Street Bridge, telephone 011-353-1-602-4000. -- Ambrose Clancy  © 2002 The Washington Post Company

About BRU coffee Essay

BRU coffee is a part of Hindustan Lever and it is India’s largest and favourite coffee brand that offers a range of Indian and international coffee products. Since 1968, BRU has repetitively strived to bring varied types of authentic coffee with premium tastes to Indian consumers. After directing numerous coffee trials with coffee samples, they personally select the best coffee beans and freshly roast them to serve consumer a great cup of rich aromatic coffee, whether it’s coffee at home or at BRU World Cafà ©. It was launched in the year 1968 under the brand of â€Å"Brook Bond†. After its introduction as an instant coffee they came up with different varieties such as BRU Cappuccino, BRU Lite, BRU Cold Coffee, BRU Gold, BRU Roast and Ground etc. BRU has created and distributed a display of unique high-quality coffee blends since 1968. It is an astounding 800crore instant coffee segment in India. From instant and conventional coffees to a multiplicity of premixes, the rich aroma and exotic flavours of BRU coffees have made it India’s number one coffee brand. BRU’s market share as up to end of 2011 was 50.2% against Nescafe’s 49.2%. BRU-ad with love and merged with passion to make a perfect coffee recipe, BRU Coffee lets you discover the lovely moments of your life, with a flavour of happiness. AGGRESSIVE SUCCESS ACHIEVED IN SAME SEGMENT: 1) REVOLUTION IN NEW PRODUCT: BRU was known as master brand in serving coffee as they were able to give new aids to customers at every point on a regular basis. There one of the successful new product was the cappuccino packs. The new flavour was able to generate new thrust in the market and that help them to lead out the product in the market. The new flavours even encouraged hard-core tea lovers to try out these flavours and change their preferences towards the coffee. The best part was that these cappuccino was available in single serve sachets which provoked consumers to test the flavours. Another added innovation by BRU was when they launched the cold coffee variants into the market which again apprehended the attention of the consumers in high volume. Now, these thrusts in new product development roll out in an implicit way when customers accepted and started liking it. This was concluded when people roll out in malls and stores, they find that coffee section is full of  various flavours and packs of BRU which itself creates a positive vibration for the brand. 2) REVOLUTION IN PACKGING: Innovation in packaging was another critical factor that aided BRU’s success. The brand made the entry barrier low by launching small affordable SKUs. There are single serve and large packs at different price points making the brand affordable .The brand although is positioned as an aspirational brand is priced affordable thus making it a perfect example of a Masstige brand.

Review on My Name Is Khan

To write a review about a film which contains not only the magical combo of Shahrukh Khan-Kajol-Karan Johar but also something different from melodramatic love story or usual remake of hardcore commercial film is pleasurable. My Name Is Khan has a excellent point to a class of audience who likes to watch Shahrukh Khan in a different characteristic. But the film does not show the excellence enough to get a perfect worship from all audiences and critics.In the movie Rizwan embarks on a touching journey and gets the true recognition of his love,love for Mandira_we reveal a simple but touchy characteristic of an ordinary man’s love,we go through an extra ordinary journey. The movie has some points for which it can be appreciated. Firstly, though such story is not brand new but it has a fresh and own style of presence. Though it can not pass through the mark, made by movie like Forrest Gump but the point is it is not bullshit in any sence. MNIK also gives you a massage and create a different and sometime authentic feelings while you are watching.Secondly,the script makes you feel for the character. It is not Shahrukh Khan,it is Rizwan Khan for whom you will think. It is not chiffon sarees or bubbly dialogue for which you will adore Kajol,it is Mandira. It is a woman who really reflect the motherly affection, a loving and caring wife. Thirdly, the tempo of the movie. It has many subplot but they are quite interesting. It’s an exceptionally relevant to a concept-the unity of nations is of paramount importance, We are all coming together to fight for a common cause – called humanity.Everyone knows that terrorism has no religion and it will never have a religion. As a film, it tries to show social responsibility and the character tries to fulfill that from their position. Though the specificity of activities is not beyond question. Fourthly, the movie can clear it’s idea. It’s not all about a disabled man’s fight against disabil ity. It’s a disabled man’s fight against the disability that exists in the world—terrorism, hatred, fighting. My Name is Khan is also about Islam and the way the world looks at Islam but it not takes any sides.It only tries to say that there are only good people and bad people. There are no good Hindus, bad Hindus, good Christians, bad Christians. Either you are a good person or a bad person. Religion is not the criterion, humanity is. Fifthly, all the actors and actresses has done well. Specially Shahrukh-Kajal combo has got another dimension in bollywood after this movie. Kajal has done very well. Her maturity is used very consciously. We get Shahrukh in a new and pleasant avatar after Chak De! India and Swades. Zarina Wahab is very good as Rizwan’s mom.Thanks Shahrukh for making the character more closer to the audience. Yes we can say he can act. Sixthly, the director has used the complexity and complication provoked by rational and regional aspect th ough it is not totally agreeable in some sense. Moreover sometimes there are many reasons behind any happenings like- 9/11, which can not be described so easily. Moreover, Indian Film Indusrtry don’t have the trend to take a risk by making film relevant to such touchy issues though films like New York ,Kabul Express,Main hoon Na had made.But they were not totally focused. I am not telling that MNIK is all focused but it has got some solid point to relate with a serious issue. Use of metaphorical shot is also notable. Specially Rizwan holding poster-Repair Almost Anything headlined is a brilliant one. This stands for a meaningful thought. The narrative style of story telling and blending past time and present time is good but continuity error like showing objects which don’t match with the time showed in the movie is not expected.The narrative style may influenced by The Shawshank Redemption and Godfellas. The ending is quite good but it may be more gothic and more auth entic. The journey of Khan may be showed more smartly in accordance with happenings as sometime it has feel us melodramatic. Cinematography is worthy off a hand of applause, specially using the background and wide angle shot. Editing is fine. Thanks Ravi K. Chandran (director of photography) and Deepa Bhatia (editing) Shankar-Ehsan-Loy has done a great job both in soundtrack and background score.Thanks to the lyricist(Niranjan Iyengar and Javed Akhtar) The songs such as â€Å"Noor-e-Khuda† blend western bar blues and techno sounds with Indian classical styles such as Sufi and Hindustani. The soundtrack is thus representative of the â€Å"indie fusion genre†. Unlike Karan Johar's other films, this film has no lip-sync songs. All the songs are in background. â€Å"Tere Naina† is a good one. In short The content of My Name Is Khan is diametrically opposite to whatever Karan Johar done in the past. My Name Is Khan is â€Å"not all about terrorism, or 9/11.Itâ€℠¢s about a relationship between two people, between an individual and the State, and between an individual and the country. In short, there the three important components: love story, Islam and a mild form of autism. You can watch it. Sometime it is impressive, dramatic, a little bit slow, inspiring, may be controversial but enjoyable too. The pick up line is – There are only two kinds of people in this world. Good people who do good deeds. And bad people who do bad. That's the only difference in human beings. There's no other difference.

5 Secrets of Persuasion Use NLP to Influence Your Readers - Freewrite Store

5 Secrets of Persuasion Use NLP to Influence Your Readers - Freewrite Store Persuasive writing is a skill that every writer needs to master. That’s true whether you’re writing blogs with affiliate links, emails to your subscribers, or landing page copy to promote a product. There are lots of ways to approach writing persuasively, but one of the most effective is Neuro-Linguistic Programming (NLP). Developed by Richard Bandler and John Grinder in the 1970s, Neuro-Linguistic Programming is a communication tool that can have a big impact on your readers - if you know how to use it right. Of course, you’ll find people who dismiss the tools and techniques of NLP as being ‘mumbo-jumbo’ - but, then, they’re the kind of people who would have said it was impossible to put a man on the moon. NLP works. It works for businessmen when they’re closing a massive deal, and it works for writers who need to convince your readers to do something. It doesn’t matter whether it’s clicking a link, completing a form, or making a purchase, when you use NLP, your ability to persuade increases. The Power of Persuasion Neuro-linguistic programming is so-called because, effectively, it uses words (linguistic) to reprogram (programming) the brain (neuro). It’s been compared (quite negatively) to manipulation. It can, of course, be used manipulatively, but there’s so much more to it than that. It’s used in coaching and even in therapy to change the way people think about things. So, how does NLP work to persuade people to change the way they think? Courses to train as an NLP practitioner are taught over seven days, so condensing the principles of NLP into an article isn’t easy. Nonetheless, I’ll share with you key insights from NLP that are particularly pertinent for writers. Foundations of Neuro-Linguistic Programming for Writers While some copywriters shun NLP as being far too ‘out there’, there are lots of skilled copywriters who understand how to use it to maximize results. By now you’re probably eager to find out how you can do that too, so let’s dig in. 1. The Language of the Senses NLP is all about the way that language is used to influence others, but it’s more than just about the words. It’s about what the words we use evoke in the people we’re addressing. In NLP, language is sensory - because all the information that we process can only enter our brains through the five senses. Most people have a sensory modality preference - whether you’re aware of it or not. There are three sensory modalities in NLP - visual, auditory and kinaesthetic (feelings). NLP teaches that influencing your readers starts when you use language that appeals to their sensory modality preference. For example: Visual: â€Å"Can you see what I mean?† Auditory: â€Å"Can you hear what I’m trying to say?† Kinaesthetic: â€Å"Does it feel right to you?† When you’re writing, you can’t know (in most cases) what your readers’ preference is, so you should incorporate all three senses into your writing to maximize the potential impact of your writing. 2. Story Time As a writer, you probably love to tell a good story, right? Well, you’ll be pleased to know that storytelling is a great NLP technique that you can easily exploit. When you couple your natural storytelling abilities with the (hidden) power of language in NLP, you’ll be able to exert huge influence over your readers. It happens to you all the time - even if you don’t recognize it happening. The movies and TV shows you watch exert influence over you all the time, with hidden, subtle messages that you don’t notice because you’re engrossed in the unfolding story. Using story to influence your readers is a matter of using metaphors and analogies that enter the subconscious. Metaphors work on a deep subconscious level to affect how your readers feel or think. 3. Homophonic Influence Homophones, words that sound the same but have different spellings and meanings, are a subtle way to subconsciously affect your readers’ decision-making processes. Let’s look at an example that you could use in landing page copy for a sales page: â€Å"By now, you should be able to see the power of using NLP in your writing copy. But, if you want to fully understand how to maximize the impact of your writing, increase your sales and grow your business beyond your wildest dreams, we have something more for you. Our eBook, ‘Unlocking the Secrets of Sales Copy’ normally retails at $99 but, for 48 hours only, you can get your hands on it for just $7.† Placing the words ‘by now’ at the beginning of that paragraph is using a homophone to prime the buyer’s brain. ‘By now’ and ‘buy now’ sound the same when you read them aloud in your head - and that subconscious influence on your reader can have a big impact on the number of people who click on the ‘buy now’ CTA button below the paragraph. 4. Effective Emotional Influence As a writer, you need to be able to affect your readers’ emotions in order to get results. Affecting emotions effectively, however, is a skill that can take time to learn. NLP teaches that you use facts in order to basically tell people how to feel (or, at least, how you want them to feel) when you use facts. Charities making appeals for donations have expert copywriters who are exceptionally skilled at using facts and other emotional tools in their writing. For example, a popular NLP-inspired technique is to tell prospective donors how their donation can change the lives of the people receiving the funds. â€Å"Your donation of $20 will feed a family of four for a whole month.† Another way charities use emotional influence in their writing is to demonstrate how a small sacrifice on the donor’s part can make a significant difference. â€Å"If you sacrifice your favorite coffee-shop latte or cappuccino just one day each week, your donation of $20 per month will pay for Jessica to attend boarding school to continue her education, including her boarding fees, supplies and food for the month.† 5. Pattern Interrupts Interrupting the flow of your writing - or disrupting the flow - by introducing a new, unexpected idea, is a great persuasive technique that NLP trainers really applaud. It’s all about breaking thought patterns - which enables you to directly access the subconscious mind. It’s a technique that stage hypnotists use - though I’m not suggesting for a minute that you need to hypnotize your readers! Politicians and smart public speakers use it, too, so it’s worthwhile learning how to most effectively use this technique in your writing. One example of how you can use pattern interrupts is to introduce confusing or unexpected language into the middle of your ‘pitch’. The way you do this will depend on your audience, but you could try using sudden oblique references, or making reference to unrelated details – or, even, using swear words within your copy. The sudden change of direction gives you a brief opportunity to take advantage of your audience’s confusion. If you’re writing a sales or landing page, you could use callouts and testimonials to achieve pattern interrupts. By distracting your audience’s attention to something new, you have a new window of opportunity to appeal to the subconscious, refocus their attention, or disarm them. Delve Deeper into NLP If you want to maximize the persuasive potential of your writing and influence your readers more, it’s worth exploring NLP in more detail. NLP training is available around the world and investing in an NLP course can have a huge impact on your persuasive writing. You could even explore NLP coaching to build your confidence as a writer. Far from being ‘mumbo-jumbo’, neuro-linguistic programming is an effective means of exploiting the science of persuasion. The more you understand how NLP works, you’ll be able to recognize the techniques that other writers are using to influence your decisions, too.

ASPA Code of Ethics

ASPA Code of Ethics The American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) explains it ethical standards well. The American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) outlines it ethical standards well. Its first standard focuses maintaining the public’s interest. The focus of the ethical standards include exercising discretion to boost the public’s trust, incorporating the public’s inputs in decision–making, and helping the public in their government dealings.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on ASPA Code of Ethics specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Second, the ethical standards focus on respecting the constitution and all laws of the nation. Third ethical standards focus on the workers’ display of one’s integrity. Fourth, the ethical standards focus on strengthening of ethics –based groups. Last, the ethical standards focus on striving for excellence one’s professional endeavors (Geuras, 2005). The ASPA ethical standards will serve as a guide to ensure better public services. According to James Bowman, there is an increase in the acceptance and enthusiastic implementation of ASPA’s ethical standards. The ASDA and the American Political Science Association (APSA) have joined hands to persuade all sectors of both society to embrace ethical standards as a guide for daily business, government, and personal dealings. The ASPA’s successful activities include a national conference held in 1989 as well as countless materials written by respected ethics authors like Bowman and Lewis. ASPA also held well attended conferences for university community such as a 1991 conference held in Park City, Utah and a 1995 conference in Tampa, Florida. The University activities were earmarked to inculcate in the minds and hears of the students the importance of ethical standards in elevating the all transactions to a morality–inspired level. A survey conducted among the university conferences showed that 87% of 55% of the school that emphasize the importance of ethics include regular seminars and verbal encouragement (Bowman, 1998). The ASPA focuses on ensuring that all persons, especially those working in public companies should adhere to moral judgment, ethical reasoning, or moral thinking in their daily activities. Ethics is based on the principle that a person must do what is right or good and avoid what is wrong or bad when faced with alternative choices. Most of the public administrators within the 50 states adhere to ASDA’s ethical standards. Specifically, the administrators come from most of the municipal, federal, and state levels. Further, a research conducted on 1,000 persons who were randomly-selected from the 11,18ASPA members show that 93.8% were white and 67 percent were male. The mean if the samples show an average age of 48 years. In addition, 87 percent were college graduates. In addition, 31 percent work in muni cipal offices as top level or middle managers. In addition, 14 percent of the respondents were teachers, and 1 percent of the samples were students (Ghere, 2005).Advertising Looking for research paper on public administration? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Mendel also discovered that the implementation of the ASPA ethics code increases the probability of people, especially those working within a public environment, behaving in an ethically –compliant manner in their dealings with the public. However, the ASPA code does not take away the person’s own moral standards, when in conflict. The ASPA code does not intend to remove a person’s ability to defend one’s action or inaction. Most importantly, the ASPA code fills the person with the pride of belonging to a well –accepted group or job specification (Menzel, 2007). In terms of conflict of interest, the ASPA standards emphasize that one should best exemplify promoting the public’s interest over and above one’s personal interest. In 2004, a Pentagon officer was charged and convicted for ensuring personal financial interest over the public’s ethical interest (Geuras, 2005). Further, accepting bribes from a group or individual in exchange for awarding of public contracts would violate the ASPA’s conflict of interest provisions. In a related literature, the Code of Ethical Principles of the Association of Fundraising Professionals state that its members should not receive compensation based on a percent of contributions raised (Richter, 2007). In terms of analytical impression, the above discussion shows that the ASPA code of ethics and conflict of interest provisions are excellent guides for public service workers to study, emphasize, and implement, without reservation. In terms of behavior, the organization’s ethics statements will clear the public servants’ doubts in te rms of ASPA’s sincerity in placing the public’s interest over the individual public servant’s personal interests. Further, the ASPA’s policies will place a strong unwavering impact on the public employees, customers, and members of the ASPA organization in the performance of their government responsibilities. Consequently, the general public will have an enhanced perception that bribes or connections are not needed to get better public services. BRIEFLY, the American Society for Public Administration (ASPA) explains it ethical standards well. The standard focuses on prioritizing the public’s interest over the public servants’ own financial interest. The standards also focus on respecting the U.S. laws and strengthening ethics –based organization.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on ASPA Code of Ethics specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More There is an increasing accept ance of the ASPA’s ethical standards. In terms of conflict of interest, ASPA standards states that one should best promote the public’s interest over and above one’s personal interest. In terms of analytical impression, the ASPA code of ethics and conflict of interest provisions are excellent benchmarks for public service workers to implement. Indeed, the ASPA ethical standards will ensure better public services. References Bowman, J. (1998). Teaching Ethics and Values in Public Administration Programs. New York: SUNY Press. Geuras, D. (2005). Practical Ethics in Public Administration. New York: Management Concepts Press. Ghere, R. (2005). Ethics in Public Management. New York: M Sharpe Press. Menzel, D. (2007). Ethics Management for Public Administrators. New York: M Sharpe Press. Richter, W. (2007). Combatting Corruption, Encouraging Ethics. New Yord: Rowman Littlefield Press.

Tracking Your Goals for Success

Tracking Your Goals for Success Working on commission can be stressful, especially when you dont know how much money comes in each month. Just as you keep track of your bills, you should get in the habit, if you havent already, of staying up-to-date with each piece of work you have in the pipeline. Not only will this help your bottom line, but youll also keep on track with your major goals. For instance, if your goal is to write for  The Writer Magazine, you may need to climb the ladder from where you stand now. Its rare for first time freelancers to break into the national magazine market, so build a system and break down your goal into smaller bites to develop your portfolio to improve your effort toward that big accomplishment. Using the system outlined below, I wrote my first article for a paying ezine and quickly followed it with work for Writing for Dollars, Writers Weekly, and Writer2Writer. Twenty articles later, I had my first article accepted While I use Excel, you may use Microsoft Word, a day planner, or simply a blank notebook (If you prefer, you can use apps), and just as you would schedule your doctors appointments and kids soccer games, create a task list of everyday activities needed to bring in the income. As a freelancer, your times can be flexible, but I caution you to adhere to certain goals each day. Divide your list into four separate sections like the example below. The first section is research, the second is reviewing the guidelines, the third is preparing and submitting, and the fourth is writing and editing. To stay on task with your goals, you have to set aside time each day to do all four. Research Review Guidelines Prep Submission Pkgs Writing Editing Research mags blogs for places to submit article on Writing Tight Review writers guidelines for Parenting Today and  Working Moms Prep submission pkg for Adopting at 50 Parenting Today Working Moms Begin writing the Writing Tight article. Edit other article on staying healthy during the winter When an idea for an article strikes, begin researching places that might be interested before you waste time writing. Some writers suggest pitching before the article is written, but such a move is dependent upon the publications guidelines. After your research, review the guidelines once more for the article you finished the evening before. Guidelines can change so confirming what you should be sending saves time for you and the editor.   Then prepare the submission package for your article and move on to the writing phase of your evening. As you work, highlight each completed task so at the end of the day, youll see the progress youve made. Each evening, create a new list so you start fresh each morning. Carry over the activities you didnt complete the previous day onto the new list and start with those first. Never skip over one of your tasks because doing so erases a potential income opportunity and sets you back a step. Yes, you work on more than one article at a time. Hope Clark keeps as many as thirteen in play, as she likes to put it. Youre always moving forward, working multiple opportunities at different levels. Trust me, its doable. Just ask every successful freelance writer. To achieve goals, you need to keep up with where you are on your journey. This system is designed to help any writer climb the ladder of success, but even if you dont use this one, you should have a way to track the steps youre taking toward your dream.

Beegle Book Review Assignment - Directions & Questions Essay

Beegle Book Review Assignment - Directions & Questions - Essay Example Dr. Donna Beegle wrote this book to help people know real poverty, and be the one to make a difference in the globe. This challenges readers to view poverty in a different light and to add to it try to use the strategies that she has proposed in trying to eradicate it. She also strives to influence her readers through giving both her personal account and clearly outlined statistics and facts. The author shows how she also experienced generational poverty at first hand. From this it can be deducted that she is trying to accomplish or ensure that no one faces what she faced when she was still growing up. (Beegle, M. D.2007). The author of the book see poverty, be the difference defines poverty as a complex issue whose solution can only come from any individual who is willing to be taught, comprehend and work together to deal with its impact. From this definition it can be deduced that that the Beegle believes anybody who is willing is in a position of eradicating poverty in the society. This is despite the gender, age, social status, or locality. He or she should only try to understand the real meaning of poverty before developing strategies that can help to solve it. He describes poverty as complex because it can be said it is connected to various issues. The author tries to make her readers understand that living in poverty is not a permanent condition. Moreover, anyone who wants to get out of poverty is able. She gives evidence of this by telling her story of how she lived in extreme poverty but ultimately she ended up succeeding in life. Moreover, by giving statistics she tries to make her readers understand the current trends of poverty so as to k now how to go about it. The statistics also aid the readers to identify on parts or things that they will concentrate on mostly when trying to make a difference. The action that Beegle propose should be taken so as to

The Living Theatre- Julian Beck and Judith Malina Term Paper

The Living Theatre- Julian Beck and Judith Malina - Term Paper Example Malina, unlike Piscator, was committed to nonviolence and anarchism. Malina met her husband, Beck, in 1943 when he was a student at Yale University. Beck, a painter, came to share her interest in political theatre and in 1947 the couple founded The Living Theatre. Malina appeared occasionally in films, beginning in 1975. In 2008 she was honored with an annual Artistic Achievement Award from the New York Innovative Theatre Awards (Ruth et al, 15-17). In 2009, she was honored with the Edwin Booth Award from the Doctoral Theatre Students Association of the City University of New York. Other awards include an honorary doctorate from Lehman College among others. Julian Beck, an American actor, director, poet and painter, was born in New York City in 1925 and died in 1985. He briefly attended Yale University, but dropped out to pursue writing and art (Ruth et al, 41-42). He was an Abstract Expressionist painter in the 1940s, but his career turned upon meeting his future wife. He met her in 1943 and quickly came to share her passion for theatre; they founded The Living Theatre in 1947. Beck’s philosophy of theatre carried over into his life. He once said, â€Å"We insisted on experimentation that was an image for a changing society. If one can experiment in theatre, one can experiment in life.† He was indicted a dozen times on three continents for charges such as disorderly conduct, indecent exposure, possession of narcotics, and failing to participate in a civil defense drill (Takis 44). Besides his theatre work, Beck published several volumes of poetry reflecting his anarchist beliefs, two nonfiction books and had several film appearances. He was diagnosed with cancer in 1983 and died two years later. The Living Theatre has staged nearly a hundred productions performed in eight languages in 28 countries on five continents. This is a unique body of work that has influenced theatre all over the

Economic performance of Russia and India (2010-2012) Essay

Economic performance of Russia and India (2010-2012) - Essay Example ate 2012 2011 2010 Russia 6.0% 6.5% 7.5% India 9.9% 9.8% 10% Source: CIA, 2013b; Statista, 2013a, b Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Gross domestic product (GDP) is defined as â€Å"the sum of market value of all final goods and services produced in a country during a specfic period of time, generally one year†7 (Dwivedi, 2010, p. 5). In Russia, the country’s GDP has signficantly increased from $2.322 trillion in 2010 up to $2.509 trillion in 20128 (CIA, 2013a). The signficant growth rate in Russia’s GDP somehow explains why this country had a gradually decreasing unemployment rate. Since demand for final goods and services increases, demand for more jobs also increases. In India, the country’s GDP also increased from $4.205 trillion in 2010 as compared to $4.735 trillion in 20129 (CIA, 2013b). In general, the real GDP values considers the impact of inflation rate on GDP whereas a nominal GDP values does not. For this reason, figures that are related to real G DP is considered as a more accurate economic indicator as compared to the nominal GDP values. In line with this, the GDP’s real growth rate in India (5.4% in 2012) is much higher as compared to the GDP’s real growth rate in Russia (3.6% in 2012)10, 11 (CIA, 2013a, b). Gross Domestic Product (GDP) 2012 2011 2010 Russia $2.509 trillion $2.422 trillion $2.322 trillion India $4.735 trillion $4.492 trillion $ 4.205 trillion Source: CIA, 2013a, b GDP – Real Growth Rate 2012 2011 2010 Russia 3.6% 4.3% 4.3% India 5.4% 6.8% 10.1% Source: CIA, 2013a, b The per capita real GDP is part of the macroeconomic indicator that focuses on dividing the real GDP with the number of population in each country12 (Boyes and Melvin, 2013, p. 359). As of 2013, the total population in Russia is only 141.44 million as compared to... This paper is the best example of comparison of economic development of India and Russia in terms of economic growth during 2010-2012 Key economic indicators are commonly used to determine the overall economic performance of a country. Using marcro-economic indicators such as unemployment rate, inflation rate, and balance of payment among others, it is possible to detect whether or not there is an economic growth in each country. Economic growth is defined as the increase in production of goods and services that occurs over long periods of time This report is composed of two major parts. The firts part will focus on applying and discussing the significance of macro-economic indicators such as unemployment rate, inflation rate, balance of payment, exchange rate, and growth indicators like gross domestic product (GDP) in the case of Russia and India. The second part focus on discussing the domestic and foreign factors which triggers fluctuations in some of these economic indicators. Unemployment rate is defined as the number of unemployed people who want to have a job but do not have one Gross domestic product (GDP) is defined as the sum of market value of all final goods and services produced in a country during a specfic period of time, generally one year Inflation rate is defined as the percentage change in some measure of the price level from one period to the next the balance of payment is defined as the â€Å"statistical statement that systematically summarizes, for a specific period of time, the economic transactions of an economy with the rest of the world The research conducted clearly shows that Russia was benefiting from a good economic growth whereas India was experiencing a worst economic growth.

Theme and Narrative Elements in the Short Story Research Paper - 1

Theme and Narrative Elements in the Short Story - Research Paper Example Thus, Eudora Welty abruptly and effectively introduces the time of year (December) and the geographic location (the South) at the beginning section of the story, apart from identifying the main character, an old Negro woman (Phoenix Jackson). Setting plays a crucial role in Welty’s â€Å"A Worn Path† as it is effective in stimulating the reader’s imagination at the initial stage of the story. In fact, the opening five paragraphs of the story offer an introduction to the setting and the readers are carried away to the world of the narrative. â€Å"It was December—a bright frozen day in the early morning. Far out in the country there was an old Negro woman with her head tied red rag, coming along a path through the pinewoods. Her name was Phoenix Jackson.† (Welty, 1941). This is the way the author opens her story and a detailed description of the character follows in the succeeding sections. It is important to recognize that the setting of the story i s a rural, a cold, early morning in December in the South. A careful analysis of the setting of the story confirms that the storywriter effectively puts boundaries around the action when she introduces the South as the geographic location and December as the time of year in which the action occurs.

Managerial Economics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Managerial Economics - Essay Example From this study it is clear that  accounting profit is the surplus money gained by the firm after deducting explicit costs such as labour from the total amount of revenue generated from its operations.   On the other hand, the difference between the firm’s accounting profit and implicit as well as explicit costs is known as economic profit. It is important for the managers to understand the difference between accounting and economic profits. Accounting profit denotes the firm’s market value to establish if it is operating viably. On the other hand, economic profit denotes if the firm’s economic condition is sound enough to continue with operations or halt them. It should be positive for a firm to carry own with operations.  This paper outlines that the majority of for profit firms are in business to generate profits from their operations. As such, the best way to measure a firm’s performance is to determine its current level of profitability compared to its previous profits for the same period. An increase in profits compared to the previous period entails that the firm is performing well while a decline in profits means that its performance is below expected standards since firms are mainly concerned with generating profits from their operations.     The major types of profits include accounting and economic profits as outlined in the prompt below.  Basically, accounting profit is the surplus money gained by the firm after deducting explicit costs such as labour from the total amount of revenue generated from its operations.  

Theme and Narrative Elements in the Short Story Research Paper - 1

Theme and Narrative Elements in the Short Story - Research Paper Example Thus, Eudora Welty abruptly and effectively introduces the time of year (December) and the geographic location (the South) at the beginning section of the story, apart from identifying the main character, an old Negro woman (Phoenix Jackson). Setting plays a crucial role in Welty’s â€Å"A Worn Path† as it is effective in stimulating the reader’s imagination at the initial stage of the story. In fact, the opening five paragraphs of the story offer an introduction to the setting and the readers are carried away to the world of the narrative. â€Å"It was December—a bright frozen day in the early morning. Far out in the country there was an old Negro woman with her head tied red rag, coming along a path through the pinewoods. Her name was Phoenix Jackson.† (Welty, 1941). This is the way the author opens her story and a detailed description of the character follows in the succeeding sections. It is important to recognize that the setting of the story i s a rural, a cold, early morning in December in the South. A careful analysis of the setting of the story confirms that the storywriter effectively puts boundaries around the action when she introduces the South as the geographic location and December as the time of year in which the action occurs.

Obesity in children Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Obesity in children - Essay Example Obesity and overweight increase the risk of chronic diseases such as cancer, heart disease and diabetes in addition to psychological problem. Obesity results from ingestion of too much energy through food as compared to the total expenditure. Various genetic and medical factors increase the risk of obesity. Various programmes all over the world are working towards reducing the prevalence of obesity and overweight in children. Obesity and overweight in children has become a recognizable major health issue which might define as â€Å"an epidemic disease† in health field. The statistics on childhood obesity are alarming.See figure 1. According to reports by the World Health Organization (WHO), the number of overweight children below five years of age, in the year 2010, was over 42 million and around 35 million of these were from developing countries (WHO, 2014). In the past thirty years, childhood obesity has more than tripled in adolescents and doubled in children (CDC, 2013). The percentage of obese children in the 6-11 years age group in the United States increased from 7% to 18% from 1980 to 2010 (CDC). Over the same period, percentage of obese adolescents in the 12-19 age groups increased from 5% to 18%. Childhood obesity is among the most serious public health issues of the twenty first century. It is a global issue. It was earlier thought to be confined to high-income developed countries but has steadily been affecting urban populations in middle and low income countries as well. Overweight and obesity in children are likely to persist in adulthood. Obesity is the fifth leading risk factor for global deaths – each year, around 2.8 million adult deaths are linked to overweight and obesity. According to estimates, 23% of ischemic heart disease burden, 44% of diabetes burden and 7-41% of cancer burden are attributable to obesity and overweight (WHO, 2014). Representative data on childhood obesity is available for many developed

The Social Contract Theory of John Locke Essay Example for Free

The Social Contract Theory of John Locke Essay John Locke was born in Wrington , Somerset , England on August 29 1704 to John Locke and Agnes Keene , who were both Puritans (Uzgalis 2001 , Wikipedia 2006 , Microsoft Encarta 2006 . His father , after whom he was named , served as captain of cavalry for the Parliamentarian forces in the early part of the English Civil War . His family later moved to Pensford and Locke grew up in a rural Tudor house in Belluton . He attended the Westminster School in London in 1647 under Alexander Popham , a member of Parliament and his father s former commander. Then he was admitted at the Christ Church College at Oxford University , where he developed greater interest in modern philosophy , such as Rene Descartes , than the school s classical material . He earned a bachelor s degree in 1656 , a master s degree in 1658 and a bachelor of medicine degree in 1674 . He worked with renowned scientists and thinkers , like Robert Boyle , Thomas Willis , Robert Hooke and Richard Lower . In 1666 , he met Anthony Ashley Cooper , the first Earl of Shaftesbury , who was then seeking treatment for a liver infection . Cooper got impressed with Locke and convinced him to move into Lord Ashley s home in 1667 as his personal physician . Locke then resumed his medical studies under Thomas Sydenham who would later influence Locke s thinking . Meantime , Locke coordinated with several other physicians on the life-threatening condition of Shaftesbury s liver condition and persuaded the latter to submit to surgery to remove the cyst . The surgery was successful and Shaftesbury credited Locke with saving his life . In that period , Locke served as Secretary of the Board of Trade and Plantations and as Secretary to the Lords and Proprietors of the Carolinas (Microsoft Encarta , Wikipedia , Uzgalis Shaftesbury was a founder of the Whig Movement and thus had great influence on Locke s political thinking (Wikipedia 2006 , Microsoft Encarta 2006 , Uzgalis 2001 . Locke got involved in politics when Shaftesbury became Lord Chancellor in 1672 . Around 1679 , Locke wrote his two treatises of government in defense of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and to oppose the philosophy of Sir Robert Filmer and Thomas Hobbes . While in the Netherlands in 1683 , he had the chance to rework his Essay and to compose his Letter on Toleration . After the Glorious Revolution , he accompanied the wife of William of Orange back to England in 1688 . He spent time at the country house of his friend , Lady Masham where he met and discussed matters with prominent thinkers like John Dryden and Isaac Newton . He had bouts of asthma and his health continued to decline until he died in 1704 . Locke never married or have any children . Main events , which occurred in his lifetime , were the English Restoration , the Great Plague of London and the Great Fire of London . He was unable to witness the Act of Union of 1707 although the same monarch ruled both England and Scotland in his lifetime . Constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy were new during that period . Locke s influence was most marked on philosophy and politics , particularly liberalism , and specifically on Voltaire . His arguments on liberty and social contract had impact on the written works of Thomas Jefferson James Madison and other founding fathers of the United States . His critics say that Locke was a major investor in the English slave-trade through the Royal Africa Company and that he participated in the drafting of the Fundamental Constitution of the Carolinas while serving as Shaftesbury s secretary . This Constitution , Locke s critics say established a feudal aristocracy and absolute power over slaves . They believe that Locke s statements on un-enclosed property as justifying the displacement of Native Americans . His opposition to aristocracy and slavery , expressed through his writings , is viewed as proof of his hypocrisy and his partiality for liberty only of English capitalists (Wikipedia , Microsoft Encarta , Uzgalis.

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di